On climbing-frames in the smarter neighbourhoods of Los Angeles, white kids occasionally shout to each other in Spanish. They learn their first words from Mexican nannies who are often working illegally, just like the maids who scrub floors and the gardeners who cut their lawns. Which helps to explain why fixing America's broken immigration system is proving so difficult. Californians, no less than the residents of other states, find illegal immigration distasteful. Yet they depend on immigrants for even such intimate tasks as bringing up their children.

   This week the Senate was trying again to reconcile these contradictory impulses. It seemed close to the promise of legalisation for the nation's roughly 12m illegals, some 2.5m of them in California alone. But their cases will not be considered until the border is deemed to have been made more secure and the current stockpile of legal immigrants is cleared—something that will take at least eight years. Worse, from the immigrants' point of view, they will probably have to leave the country and then petition to return, in what is known as “touch-back”.

   If it becomes law, the Senate bill will transform America's immigration system. Following the lead of Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Britain, America would adopt a points system that will give priority to the sort of young, employable immigrants who are most likely to contribute to the economy. Family ties, essential in deciding immigration claims since the 1960s, would become less important.

   Immigrant advocates have become more militant. Last year huge, mostly orderly crowds gathered on the streets of Los Angeles, Chicago and other cities to protest against a bill, passed by the House of Representatives, that would have criminalised illegal immigrants. Many carried American flags. Rallies earlier this month, by contrast, were dominated by professional protesters. In Los Angeles a small and occasionally angry crowd clashed with police. Protesters have called for another rally next month in Hollywood.

   Although the pressure for reform appears overwhelming, it is not clear that a deal can be done this year. Compromise may prove more elusive in the House of Representatives. Because of the way that congressional districts are drawn, many politicians represent constituencies with large numbers of ethnic minorities or hardly any at all.

   Nor is it clear that the Senate plan would bring illegal immigrants out of the shadows. Those who have American children (up to 40% of those in California) will be reluctant to “touch-back”. Much will also depend on how many visas are made available to unskilled workers. If there are too few, the supply of immigrant labour will surely continue to meet the demand for it, regardless of what the law says.

   注（1）：本文選自Economist, 05/17/2007

   注（2）：本文習(xí)題命題模仿對(duì)象為2002年真題Text 4。

   1． From the first paragraph we learn that _______.

    [A] Californians seldom hire foreign workers.

    [B] Californians do not like to have lots of immigrants.

    [C] It is difficult for immigrants to find a job in California.

    [D] The white kids learn Spanish from their schools.

   2． Which of the following statements is NOT true according to the text?

    [A] The Senate plans to give many illegal immigrants the legal status.

    [B] The American immigration policy is going to be modified.

    [C] The problem of illegal immigrants will be solved soon.

    [D] Family has been an important factor in the immigration to U.S.

   3． According to the text, _______ will be most likely to be allowed to immigrate to America.

    [A] those Mexican workers

    [B] those of college education

    [C] those who marry American citizens

    [D] those who are hardworking

   4． Which of the following best defines the word “militant” (Line 1, Paragraph 4)?

    [A] violent

    [B] carrying guns

    [C] loving wars

    [D] frequent

   5． What does the last sentence of the last paragraph mean?

    [A] If there are not enough visas, a lot of people have to “touch-back”.

    [B] If there are enough visas, every currently illegal immigrant will be legalized.

    [C] Illegal immigrants who have American children are more easily to receive visa.

    [D] If there are not enough visas, there will still be a lot of illegal immigrants.

   篇章剖析

    本文主要討論了美國(guó)的非法移民問題。第一段提出了一個(gè)矛盾的問題，盡管美國(guó)人們并不是那么歡迎非法移民，但是他們生活中的方方面滿卻離不開非法移民的工作。第二、三段談到了美國(guó)參議院比較近對(duì)于非法移民問題的討論和可能出臺(tái)的政策措施，以及其中的困難。第四段談到了非法移民在美國(guó)開始自己的維權(quán)活動(dòng)。第五段繼續(xù)講述通過新法案的困難。第六段進(jìn)一步分析即使新政策能夠出臺(tái)，仍然會(huì)存在問題。

   詞匯注釋

   scrub [skrQb] v. 洗擦, 擦凈              priority [prai`Rriti] n.優(yōu)先, 優(yōu)先權(quán)

   reconcile [`rekEnsail] vt. 使和解, 使和諧   advocate [`AdvEkit] n. 提倡者, 鼓吹者

   impulse [`impQls] n. 推動(dòng), 刺激           clash [klAF] v. 猛撞, 沖突

   legislation [7ledVis`leiFEn] n. 立法         elusive [i`lju:siv] adj. 難懂的, 難捉摸的

   stockpile [`stRkpail] n. 積蓄, 庫存         constituency [kEn`stitjuEnsi] n. (選區(qū)的)選民

   petition [pi`tiFEn] v. 請(qǐng)求, 懇求, 請(qǐng)?jiān)?b>     ethnic [`eWnik] adj. 人種的, 種族的

   難句突破

   But their cases will not be considered until the border is deemed to have been made more secure and the current stockpile of legal immigrants is cleared—something that will take at least eight years.

   主體句式  But their cases will not be considered until…

   結(jié)構(gòu)分析  破折號(hào)前的這個(gè)長(zhǎng)句主要說明了問題會(huì)被考慮的兩個(gè)必要條件，這兩個(gè)條件之間用and來連接。破折號(hào)之后的內(nèi)容是對(duì)兩個(gè)條件的補(bǔ)充說明。

   句子譯文  但是在國(guó)界變得更加安全、以及現(xiàn)有的合法移民問題充分解決之前—這得花掉差不多8年時(shí)間，非法移民的問題是不會(huì)被考慮的。

   題目分析

   1．B. 細(xì)節(jié)題。文章倒數(shù)第二句中提到加州有很多移民，而加州人們并不是非常喜歡這么多的移民。

   2．C. 細(xì)節(jié)題。文章第二、三段中可以發(fā)現(xiàn)所有細(xì)節(jié)。其中第二段中提到非法移民問題的解決依然是遙遙無期，因此C選項(xiàng)顯然是不符合題意的。

   3．B. 推理題。注意該題的題干為將來時(shí)，是指以后會(huì)發(fā)生的事情。文章第三段中提到，美國(guó)將改變移民制度，以后將優(yōu)先考慮那些年輕、能夠工作的移民，因此對(duì)于他們來說有過大學(xué)教育的外國(guó)移民是更加受歡迎的，也更容易移居美國(guó)。而婚姻因素在將來相對(duì)來說是次要的因素。

   4．A. 語義題。文章第四段中講述了移民的抗議活動(dòng)越來越積極、越來越職業(yè)化，而且有時(shí)還與警察發(fā)生沖突�？梢姮F(xiàn)在的趨勢(shì)是變得越來越激烈。

   5．D. 推理題。文章比較后一句的意思是，如果沒有足夠的簽證，那么不管法律這么規(guī)定，非法移民的供給總是能夠滿足需求。也就是說，由于美國(guó)對(duì)于移民勞動(dòng)力的需求非常大，如果簽證不夠的話，還是會(huì)有很多人以非法移民的身份來美國(guó)工作。

   參考譯文

   在洛杉磯一些舒適的社區(qū)游戲器械上，白人孩子們偶爾會(huì)用西班牙語彼此叫嚷。他們從墨西哥奶媽那里學(xué)到了他們比較早的詞匯，那些奶媽通常都是非法工人，就像擦地板的女仆和整理草坪的園丁們一樣。這就可以解釋為什么完善美國(guó)千瘡百孔的移民制度如此困難。加州人也和其他各個(gè)州的人一樣，覺得非法移民并不令人愉快。但是他們卻格外依賴移民，甚至包括像撫育孩子這樣親密的任務(wù)。

   本周參議院正試圖重新解決這個(gè)棘手的問題�，F(xiàn)在看起來這個(gè)國(guó)家中約1千2百萬的非法移民很有希望可以合法化，其中在加州就有250萬非法人口。但是在國(guó)界變得更加安全、以及現(xiàn)有的合法移民問題充分解決之前—這得花掉差不多8年時(shí)間，非法移民的問題是不會(huì)被考慮的。更遭的是，從移民們的觀點(diǎn)來看，他們有可能必須先離開這個(gè)國(guó)家，然后再申請(qǐng)回來，這就是所謂的“touch-back”。

   如果通過法律，那么參議院的這一法案將改變美國(guó)的移民制度。美國(guó)將學(xué)習(xí)加拿大、澳大利亞、新西蘭和英國(guó)的方法，采用一個(gè)積分制度，并優(yōu)先優(yōu)惠考慮那些年輕且能夠工作的移民，因?yàn)樗麄兏�有可能�?duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)作出貢獻(xiàn)。家庭關(guān)系自從20世紀(jì)60年代以來對(duì)于移民申請(qǐng)極為比較重要，但在將來會(huì)變得不那么重要。

   移民支持者現(xiàn)在行動(dòng)越來越激烈。去年許多移民有組織地到洛杉磯、芝加哥以及其他城市的大街上游行反對(duì)眾議院通過將非法移民犯罪化的法案。他們中的許多人都拿著美國(guó)國(guó)旗。而這個(gè)月早先時(shí)候集結(jié)的游行隊(duì)伍則是由職業(yè)抗議者們領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的。在洛杉磯，一小部分憤怒的人們偶爾會(huì)與警察發(fā)生沖突。現(xiàn)在抗議者們正在號(hào)召下個(gè)月在好萊塢舉行另一次集會(huì)。

   盡管改革的壓力非常大，但是目前不清楚法案是否能夠在今年通過。妥協(xié)在眾議院會(huì)證明更加難以令人理解。國(guó)會(huì)分區(qū)的方式使得很多政治家代表了很大數(shù)目的少數(shù)民族或者根本不代表任何少數(shù)民族。

   參議院的計(jì)劃是否能夠使得非法移民走出陰影仍然是一個(gè)疑問。許多人的孩子都是美國(guó)公民（其中40%在加州），他們都不會(huì)愿意“touch-back”。這也取決于多少簽證能夠發(fā)放給沒有特殊技能的工人。如果簽證太少，那么不管法律規(guī)定了什么，移民勞動(dòng)力的供應(yīng)還是會(huì)有辦法滿足需求。